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The Life and Epistles of St. Paul
Chapter 20 |
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Isthmian Games - Route through Macedonia - Voyage from Philippi - Sunday at Troas - Assos - Voyage by Mitylene and Trogyllium to Miletus - Speech to the Ephesias Presbyters - Voyage by Cos and Rhodes to Patara - Thence to Phoenicia - Christians at Tyre - Ptolemais - Events at Caesarea - Arrival at Jerusalem. |
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In the Epistles which have been already set before the reader in the course of this biography, and again in some of those which are to succeed, St. Paul makes frequent allusion to a topic which engrossed the interest, and called forth the utmost energies, of the Greeks. The periodical games were to them rather a passion than an amusement: and the Apostle often uses language drawn from these celebrations, when he wishes to enforce the zeal and the patience with which a Christian ought to strain after his heavenly reward. The imagery he employs is sometimes varied. In one instance, when he describes the struggle of the spirit with the flesh, he seeks his illustration in the violent contest of the boxers (1Co. 9:26). In another, when he would give a strong representation of the perils he had encountered at Ephesus, he speaks as one who had contended in that ferocious sport which the Romans had introduced among the Greeks, the fighting of gladiators with wild beasts (ib.
1Co. 15:32). But, usually, his reference is to the foot-race in the stadium, which, as it was the most ancient, continued to be the most esteemed, among the purely Greek athletic contests. (f1699) If we compare the various passages where this language is used, we find the whole scene in the stadium brought vividly before us, — the herald (f1700) who summons the contending runners, — the course, which rapidly diminishes in front of them as their footsteps advance to the goal, (f1701) — the judge (2Ti. 4:8.) who holds out the prize at the end of the course, — the prize itself, a chaplet of fading leaves, which is compared with the strongest emphasis of contrast to the unfading glory with which the faithful Christian will be crowned, (f1702) — the joy and exultation of the victor, which the Apostle applies to his own case, when he speaks of his converts as his "joy and crown," the token of his victory and the subject of his boasting. (f1703) |
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And under the same image he sets forth the heavenly prize, after which his converts themselves should struggle with strumous and unswerving zeal, — with no hesitating step (1Co. 9:26), pressing forward, and never looking back ( Php. 3:13, 14), — even to the disregard of life itself (Act. 20:24). And the metaphor extends itself beyond the mere struggle in the arena, to the preparations which were necessary to success, — to that severe and continued training, (f1704) which, being so great for so small a reward, was a fit image of that "training unto godliness," which has the promise not only of this life, but of that which is to come, — to the strict regulations (f1705) which presided over all the details, both of the contest and the preliminary discipline, and are used to warn the careless Christian of the peril of an undisciplined life, — to the careful diet, (f1706) which admonishes us that, if we would so run that we may obtain, we must be "temperate in all things." (f1707)
This imagery would be naturally and familiarly suggested to St. Paul by the scenes which he witnessed in every part of his travels. At his own native place on the banks of the Cydnus, (f1708) in every city throughout Asia Minor, (f1709) and more especially at Ephesus, the stadium, and the training for the stadium, (f1710) were among the chief subjects of interest to the whole population. Even in Palestine, and at Jerusalem itself, these busy amusements were well known. (f1711) But Greece was the very home from which these institutions drew their origin; and the Isthmus of Corinth was one of four sanctuaries, where the most celebrated games were periodically held. Now that we have reached the point where St. Paul is about to leave this city for the last time, we are naturally led to make this allusion: and an interesting question suggests itself here, viz., whether the Apostle was ever himself present during the Isthmian games. It might be argued a priori that this is highly probable; for great numbers came at these seasons from all parts of the Mediterranean to witness or take part in the contests; and the very fact that amusement and ambition brought some, makes it certain that gain attracted many others; thus it is likely that the Apostle, just as he desired to be at Jerusalem during the Hebrew festivals, so would gladly preach the Gospel at a time when so vast a concourse met at the Isthmus, — whence, as from a center, it might be carried to every shore with the dispersion of the strangers. But, further, it will be remembered, that, on his first visit, St. Paul spent two years at Corinth; and though there is some difficulty in determining the times at which the games were celebrated, yet it seems almost certain that they recurred every second year, at the end of spring, or the beginning of summer. (f1712) Thus it may be confidently concluded that he was there at one of the festivals. As regards the voyage undertaken from Ephesus (p. 418), the time devoted to it was short; yet that time may have coincided with the festive season; and it is far from inconceivable that he may have sailed across the AEgean in the spring, with some company of Greeks who were proceeding to the Isthmian meeting. On the present occasion he spent only three of the winter months in Achaia, and it is hardly possible that he could have been present during the games. It is most likely that there were no crowds among the pine-trees (f1713) at the Isthmus, and that the stadium at the Sanctuary of Neptune was silent and unoccupied when St. Paul passed by it along the northern road, on his way to Macedonia. (f1714)
His intention had been to go by sea to Syria, (Act. 20:3.) as soon as the season of safe navigation should be come; and in that case he would have embarked at Cenchrea, whence he had sailed during his second missionary journey, and whence the Christian Phoebe had recently gone with the letter to the Romans. (f1715) He himself had prepared his mind for a journey to Rome; (f1716) but first he was purposed to visit Jerusalem, that he might convey the alms which had been collected for the poorer brethren in Macedonia and Achaia. He looked forward to this expedition with some misgiving; for he knew what danger was to be apprehended from his Jewish and Judaizing enemies; and even in his letter to the Roman Christians, he requested their prayers for his safety. And he had good reason to fear the Jews; for ever since their discomfiture under Gallio they had been irritated by the progress of Christianity, and they organized a plot against the great preacher when he was on the eve of departing for Syria. We are not informed of the exact nature of this plot; (f1717) but it was probably a conspiracy against his life, like that which was formed at Damascus soon after his conversion ( Act. 9:23, 2Co. 11:32), and at Jerusalem, both before and after the time of which we write (Act. 9:29, 23:12), and it necessitated a change of route, such as that which had once saved him on his departure from Beroea (Act. 17:14).
On that occasion his flight had been from Macedonia to Achaia; now it was from Achaia to Macedonia. Nor would he regret the occasion which brought him once more among some of his dearest converts. Again he saw the Churches on the north of the AEgean, and again he went through the towns along the line of the Via Egnatia. (f1718) He re-appeared in the scene of his persecution among the Jews of Thessalonica, and passed on by Apollonia and Amphipolis to the place where he had first landed on the European shore. The companions of his journey were Sopater the son of Pyrrhus, (f1719) a native of Beroea, — Aristarchus and Secundus, both of Thessalonica, — with Gaius of Derbe and Timothy, — and two Christians from the province of Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus, whom we have mentioned before (p. 479), as his probable associates when he last departed from Ephesus. From the order in which these disciples are mentioned, and the notice of the specific places to which they belonged, we should be inclined to conjecture that they had something to do with the collections which had been made at the various towns on the route. As St. Luke does not mention the collection, (f1720) we cannot expect to be able to ascertain all the facts. But since St. Paul left Corinth sooner than was intended, it seems likely that all the arrangements were not complete, and that Sopater was charged with the responsibility of gathering the funds from Beroea, while Aristarchus and Secundus took charge of those from Thessalonica. St. Luke himself was at Philippi: and the remaining four of the party were connected with the interior or the coast of Asia Minor. (f1721)
The whole of this company did not cross together from Europe to Asia; but St. Paul and St. Luke lingered at Philippi, while the others preceded them to Troas. (f1722) The journey through Macedonia had been rapid, and the visits to the other Churches had been short. But the Church at Philippi had peculiar claims on St. Paul’s attention: and the time of his arrival induced him to pause longer than in the earlier part of his journey. It was the time of the Jewish passover. And here our thoughts turn to the passover of the preceding year, when the Apostle was at Ephesus (p. 432). We remember the higher and Christian meaning which he gave to the Jewish festival. It was no longer an Israelitish ceremony, but it was the Easter of the New Dispensation. He was not now occupied with shadows; for the substance was already in possession. Christ the Passover had been sacrificed, and the feast was to be kept with the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth. Such was the higher standing-point to which he sought to raise the Jews whom he met, in Asia or in Europe, at their annual celebrations.
Thus, while his other Christian companions had preceded him to Troas, he remained with Luke some time longer at Philippi, and did not leave Macedonia till the passover moon was waning. Notwithstanding this delay, they were anxious, if possible, to reach Jerusalem before Pentecost. (Act. 20:16.) And we shall presently trace the successive days through which they were prosperously brought to the fullfillment of their wish. (f1723) Some doubt has been thrown on the possibility of this plan being accomplished in the interval; for they did not leave Philippi till the seventh day after the fourteenth of Nisan was past. It will be our business to show that the plan was perfectly practicable, and that it was actually accomplished, with some days to spare.
The voyage seemed to begin unfavorably. The space between Neapolis and Troas could easily be sailed over in two days with a fair wind; and this was the time occupied when the Apostle made the passage on his first coming to Europe. (Act. 16:11.) On this occasion the same voyage occupied five days. We have no means of deciding whether the ship’s progress was retarded by calms, or by contrary winds. (f1724) Either of these causes of delay might equally be expected in the changeable weather of those seas. St. Luke seems to notice the time in both instances, in the manner of one who was familiar with the passages commonly made between Europe and Asia:(f1725) and something like an expression of disappointment is implied in the mention of the "five days" which elapsed before the arrival at Troas.
The history of Alexandria Troas, first as a city of the Macedonian princes, and then as a favorite colony of the Romans, (f1726) has been given before; but little has been said as yet of its appearance. From the extent and magnitude of its present ruins (though for ages it has been a quarry both for Christian and Mohammedan edifices) we may infer what it was in its flourishing period. Among the oak-trees, which fill the vast enclosure of its walls, are fragments of colossal masonry. Huge columns of granite are seen lying in the harbor, and in the quarries on the neighboring hills. (f1727) A theatre, commanding a view of Tenedos and the sea, shows where the Greeks once assembled in crowds to witness their favorite spectacles. Open arches of immense size, towering from the midst of other great masses of ruin, betray the hand of Roman builders. These last remains — once doubtless belonging to a gymnasium or to baths, and in more ignorant ages, when the poetry of Homer was better remembered than the facts of history, popularly called "The Palace of Priam" (f1728) — are conspicuous from the sea. We cannot assert that these buildings existed in the day of St. Paul, but we may be certain that the city, both on the approach from the water, and to those who wandered through its streets, must have presented an appearance of grandeur and prosperity. Like Corinth, Ephesus, or Thessalonica, it was a place where the Apostle must have wished to lay firmly and strongly the foundations of the Gospel. On his first visit, as we have seen (pp. 241-245), he was withheld by a supernatural revelation from remaining; and on his second visit (pp. 478-480), though a door was opened to him, and he did gather together a community of Christian disciples, yet his impatience to see Titus compelled him to bid them a hasty farewell. (2Co. 2:13.) Now, therefore, he would be the more anxious to add new converts to the Church, and to impress deeply, on those who were converted, the truths and the duties of Christianity: and he had valuable aid, both in Luke, who accompanied him, and the other disciples who had preceded him.
The labors of the early days of the week that was spent at Troas are not related to us; but concerning the last day we have a narrative which enters into details with all the minuteness of one of the Gospel histories. It was the evening which succeeded the Jewish Sabbath. (f1729) On the Sunday morning the vessel was about to sail. (f1730) The Christians of Troas were gathered together at this solemn time to celebrate that feast of love which the last commandment of Christ has enjoined on all His followers. The place was an upper room, with a recess or balcony (f1731) projecting over the street or the court. The night was dark: three weeks had not elapsed since the Passover, (f1732) and the moon only appeared as a faint crescent in the early part of the night. Many lamps were burning in the room where the congregation was assembled. (f1733) The place was hot and crowded. St. Paul, with the feeling strongly impressed on his mind that the next day was the day of his departure, and that souls might be lost by delay, was continuing in earnest discourse, and prolonging it even till midnight, (f1734) when an occurrence suddenly took place, which filled the assembly with alarm, though it was afterwards converted into an occasion of joy and thanksgiving. A young listener, whose name was Eutychus, was overcome by exhaustion, heat, and weariness, and sank into a deep slumber. (f1735) He was seated or leaning in the balcony; and, falling down in his sleep, was dashed upon the pavement below, and was taken up dead. (f1736) Confusion and terror followed, with loud lamentation. (f1737) But Paul was enabled to imitate the power of that Master whose doctrine he was proclaiming. As Jesus had once said ( Mat. 9:24; Mar. 5:39.) of the young maiden, who was taken by death from the society of her friends, "She is not dead, but sleepeth," so the Apostle of Jesus received power to restore the dead to life. He went down and fell upon the body, like Elisha of old, (f1738) and, embracing Eutychus, said to the bystanders, "Do not lament; for his life is in him."
With minds solemnized and filled with thankfulness by this wonderful token of God’s power and love, they celebrated the Eucharistic feast. (f1739) The act of Holy Communion was combined, as was usual in the Apostolic age, with a common meal:(f1740) and St. Paul now took some refreshment after the protracted labor of the evening, (f1741) and then continued his conversation till the dawning of the day. (f1742)
It was now time for the congregation to separate. The ship was about to sail, and the companions of Paul’s journey took their departure to go on board. (f1743) It was arranged, however, that the Apostle himself should join the vessel at Assos, which was only about twenty miles (f1744) distant by the direct road, while the voyage round Cape Lectum was nearly twice as far. He thus secured a few more precious hours with his converts at Troas; and eagerly would they profit by his discourse, under the feeling that he was so soon to leave them: and we might suppose that the impression made under such circumstances, and with the recollection of what they had witnessed in the night, would never be effaced from the minds of any of them, did we not know, on the highest authority, that if men believe not the prophets of God, neither will they believe "though one rose from the dead."
But the time came when St. Paul too must depart. The vessel might arrive at Assos before him; and, whatever influence he might have with the seamen, he could not count on any long delay. He hastened, therefore, through the southern gate, past the hot springs, (f1745) and through the oak-woods, (f1746) — then in full foliage, (f1747) — which cover all that shore with greenness and shade, and across the wild water-courses on the western side of Ida. (f1748) Such is the scenery which now surrounds the traveler on his way from Troas to Assos. The great difference then was, that there was a good Roman road, (f1749) which made St. Paul’s solitary journey both more safe and more rapid than it could have been now. We have seldom had occasion to think of the Apostle in the hours of his solitude. But such hours must have been sought and cherished by one whose whole strength was drawn from communion with God, and especially at a time when, as on this present journey, he was deeply conscious of his weakness, and filled with foreboding fears. (Compare Rom. 15:30, 31, Act. 20:3 with Act. 20:22-25, 21:4, 13.) There may have been other reasons why he lingered at Troas after his companions: but the desire for solitude was (we may well believe) one reason among others. The discomfort of a crowded ship is unfavorable for devotion: and prayer and meditation are necessary for maintaining the religious life even of an Apostle. That savior to whose service he was devoted had often prayed in solitude on the mountain, and crossed the brook Kedron to kneel under the olives of Gethsemane. And strength and peace were surely sought and obtained by the Apostle from the Redeemer, as he pursued his lonely road that Sunday afternoon in spring, among the oak-woods and the streams of Ida.
No delay seems to have occurred at Assos. He entered by the Sacred Way among the famous tombs, (f1750) and through the ancient gateway, and proceeded immediately to the shore. We may suppose that the vessel was already hove to and waiting when he arrived; or that he saw her approaching from the west, through the channel between Lesbos and the main. He went on board without delay, and the Greek sailors and the Apostolic missionaries continued their voyage. As to the city of Assos itself, we must conclude, if we compare the description of the ancients with present appearances, that its aspect as seen from the sea was sumptuous and grand. A terrace with a long portico was raised by a wall of rock above the water-line. Above this was a magnificent gate (f1751) , approached by a flight of steps. Higher still was the theatre, which commanded a glorious view of Lesbos and the sea, and those various buildings which are now a wilderness of broken columns, triglyphs, and friezes. The whole was crowned by a citadel of Greek masonry on a cliff of granite. Such was the view which gradually faded into indistinctness as the vessel retired from the shore, and the summits of Ida rose in the evening sky. (f1752)
The course of the voyagers was southwards, along the eastern shore of Lesbos. When Assos was lost, Mitylene, the chief city of Lesbos, came gradually into view. The beauty of the capital of Sappho’s island was celebrated by the architects, poets, and philosophers of Rome. Like other Greek cities, which were ennobled by old recollections, it was honored by the Romans with the privilege of freedom. (f1753) Situated on the south-eastern coast of the island, it would afford a good shelter from the northwesterly winds, whether the vessel entered the harbor or lay at anchor in the open roadstead. (f1754) It seems likely that the reason why they lay here for the night was, because it was the time of dark moon, (f1755) and they would wish for daylight to accomplish safely the intricate navigation between the southern part of Lesbos and the mainland of Asia Minor.
In the course of Monday they were abreast of Chios (v. 15). The weather in these seas is very variable: and, from the mode of expression employed by St. Luke, it is probable that they were becalmed. An English traveler under similar circumstances has described himself as "engrossed from daylight till noon" by the beauty of the prospects with which he was surrounded, as his vessel floated idly on this channel between Scio and the continent. (f1756) On one side were the gigantic masses of the mainland: on the other were the richness and fertility of the island, with its gardens of oranges, (f1757) citrons, almonds, and pomegranates, and its white scattered houses overshadowed by evergreens. Until the time of its recent disasters, Scio was the paradise of the modern Greek: and a familiar proverb censured the levity of its inhabitants, (f1758) like that which in the Apostle’s day described the coarser faults of the natives of Crete (Tit. 1:12).
The same English traveler passed the island of Samos after leaving that of Chios. So likewise did St. Paul (v. 15). But the former sailed along the western side of Samos, and he describes how its towering cloud-capped heights are contrasted with the next low island to the west. (f1759) The Apostle’s course lay along the eastern shore, where a much narrower "marine pass" intervenes between it and a long mountainous ridge of the mainland, from which it appears to have been separated by some violent convulsion of nature. (f1760) This high promontory is the ridge of Mycale, well known in the annals of Greek victory over the Persians. At its termination, not more than a mile from Samos, is the anchorage of Trogyllium. Here the night of Tuesday was spent; apparently for the same reason as that which caused the delay at Mitylene. The moon set early: and it was desirable to wait for the day before running into the harbor of Miletus. (f1761)
The short voyage from Chios to Trogyllium had carried St. Paul through familiar scenery. The bay across which the vessel had been passing was that into which the Cayster (f1762) flowed. The mountains on the mainland were the western branches of Messogis and Tmolus, (f1763) the ranges that enclose the primeval plain of "Asia." The city, towards which it is likely that some of the vessels in sight were directing their course, was Ephesus, where the Apostolic labors of three years had gathered a company of Christians in the midst of unbelievers. One whose solicitude was so great for his recent converts could not willingly pass by and leave them unvisited: and had he had the command of the movements of the vessel, we can hardly believe that he would have done so. He would surely have landed at Ephesus, rather than at Miletus. The same wind which carried him to the latter harbor would have been equally advantageous for a quick passage to the former. And, even had the weather been unfavorable at the time for landing at Ephesus, he might easily have detained the vessel at Trogyllium; and a short journey by land northward would have taken him to the scene of his former labors. (f1764)
Yet every delay, whether voluntary or involuntary, might have been fatal to the plan he was desirous to accomplish. St. Luke informs us here (and the occurrence of the remark shows us how much regret was felt by the Apostle on passing by Ephesus) that his intention was, if possible, to be in Jerusalem at Pentecost (v. 16). Even with a ship at his command, he could not calculate on favorable weather, if he lost his present opportunity: nor could he safely leave the ship which had conveyed him hitherto; for he was well aware that he could not be certain of meeting with another that would forward his progress. He determined, therefore, to proceed in the same vessel, on her southward course from Trogylliurn to Miletus. Yet the same watchful zeal which had urged him to employ the last precious moments of the stay at Troas in his Master’s cause suggested to his prompt mind a method of re-impressing the lessons of eternal truth on the hearts of the Christians at Ephesus, though he was unable to revisit them in person. He found that the vessel would be detained at Miletus (f1765) a sufficient time to enable him to send for the presbyters of the Ephesian Church, with the hope of their meeting him there. The distance between the two cities was hardly thirty miles, and a good road connected them together. (f1766) Thus, though the stay at Miletus would be short, and it might be hazardous to attempt the journey himself, he could hope for one more interview, — if not with the whole Ephesian Church, at least with those members of it whose responsibility was the greatest.
The sail from Trogylliurn, with a fair wind, would require but little time. If the vessel weighed anchor at daybreak on Wednesday, she would be in harbor long before noon. (f1767) The message was doubtless sent to Ephesus immediately on her arrival; and Paul remained at Miletus waiting for those whom the Holy Spirit, by his hands, had made "overseers" over the flock of Christ (v. 28). The city where we find the Christian Apostle now waiting, while those who had the care of the vessel were occupied with the business that detained them, has already been referred to as more ancient than Ephesus, (f1768) though in the age of St. Paul inferior to it in political and mercantile eminence. Even in Homer, the "Carian Miletus" appears as a place of renown. Eighty colonies went forth from the banks of the Maeander, and some of them were spread even to the eastern shores of the Black Sea, and beyond the Pillars of Hercules to the west. It received its first blow in the Persian war, when its inhabitants, like the Jews, had experience of a Babylonian captivity. (f1769) It suffered once more in Alexander’s great campaign; (f1770) and after his time it gradually began to sink towards its present condition of ruin and decay, from the influence, as it would seem, of mere natural causes, — the increase of alluvial soil in the delta having the effect of removing the city gradually farther and farther from the sea. Even in the Apostle’s time, there was between the city and the shore a considerable space of level ground, through which the ancient river meandered in new windings, like the Forth at Stirling. (f1771) Few events connect the history of Miletus with the transactions of the Roman Empire. When St. Paul was there, it was simply one of the second-rate seaports on this populous coast, ranking, perhaps, with Adramyttium or Patara, but hardly with Ephesus or Smyrna. (f1772)
The excitement and joy must have been great among the Christians of Ephesus, when they heard that their honored friend and teacher, to whom they had listened so often in the school of Tyrannus, was in the harbor (f1773) of Miletus, within the distance of a few miles. The presbyters must have gathered together in all haste to obey the summons, and gone with eager steps out of the southern gate, which leads to Miletus. By those who travel on such an errand, a journey of twenty or thirty miles is not regarded long and tedious, nor is much regard paid to the difference between day and night. (f1774) The presbyters of Ephesus might easily reach Miletus on the day after that on which the summons was received. (f1775) And though they might be weary when they arrived, their fatigue would soon be forgotten at the sight of their friend and instructor; and God, also, "who comforts them that are cast down" (2Co. 7:6), comforted him by the sight of his disciples. They were gathered together — probably in some solitary spot upon the shore — to listen to his address. This little company formed a singular contrast with the crowds which used to assemble at the times of public amusement in the theatre of Miletus. (f1776) But that vast theatre is now a silent ruin, — while the words spoken by a careworn traveler to a few despised strangers are still living as they were that day, to teach lessons for all time, and to make known eternal truths to all who will hear them, — while they reveal to us, as though they were merely human words, all the tenderness and the affection of Paul, the individual speaker.
See Notes on Act. 20:18-36
The close of this speech was followed by a solemn act of united supplication (Act. 20:36). St. Paul knelt down on the shore with all those who had listened to him, and offered up a prayer to that God who was founding His Church in the midst of difficulties apparently insuperable; and then followed an outbreak of natural grief, which even Christian faith and resignation were not able to restrain. They fell on the Apostle’s neck and clung to him, and kissed him again and again, (f1777) sorrowing most because of his own foreboding announcement, that they should never behold that countenance again, on which they had often gazed (f1778) with reverence and love (ib. 37, 38). But no long time could be devoted to the grief of separation. The wind was fair, (f1779) and the vessel must depart They accompanied the Apostle to the edge of the water (ib. 38). (f1780) The Christian brethren were torn away from the embrace of their friends; (f1781) and the ship sailed out into the open sea, while the presbyters prepared for their weary and melancholy return to Ephesus.
The narrative of the voyage is now resumed in detail. It is quite clear, from St. Luke’s mode of expression, that the vessel sailed from Miletus on the day of the interview. With a fair wind she would easily run down to Cos in the course of the same afternoon. The distance is about forty nautical miles; the direction is due south. The phrase used implies a straight course and a fair wind, (f1782) and we conclude, from the well-known phenomena of the Levant, that the wind was north-westerly, which is the prevalent direction in those seas. (f1783) With this wind the vessel would make her passage from Miletus to Cos in six hours, passing the shores of Caria, with the high summits of Mount Latmus on the left, and with groups of small islands (among which Patmos (Rev. 1:9) would be seen at times) (f1784) studding the sea on the right. Cos is an island about twenty-three miles in length, extending from south-west to north-east, and separated by a narrow channel from the mainland. (f1785) But we should rather conceive the town to be referred to, which lay at the eastern extremity of the island. It is described by the ancients as a beautiful and well-built city: and it was surrounded with fortifications erected by Alcibiades towards the close of the Peloponnesian war. Its symmetry had been injured by an earthquake, and the restoration had not yet been effected; but the productiveness of the island to which it belonged, and its position in the Levant, made the city a place of no little consequence. The wine and the textile fabrics of Cos were well known among the imports of Italy. Even now no harbor is more frequented by the merchant-vessels of the Levant. (f1786) The roadstead is sheltered by nature from all winds except the north-east, and the inner harbor was not then, as is is now, an unhealthy lagoon. (f1787) Moreover, Claudius had recently bestowed peculiar privileges on the city. (f1788) Another circumstance made it the resort of many strangers, and gave it additional renown. It was the seat of the medical school traditionally connected with AEsculapius; and the temple of the god of healing was crowded with votive models, so as to become in effect a museum of anatomy and pathology. (f1789) The Christian physician St. Luke, who knew these coasts so well, could hardly be ignorant of the scientific and religious celebrity of Cos. We can imagine the thankfulness with which he would reflect — as the vessel lay at anchor off the city of Hippocrates — that he had been emancipated from the bonds of superstition, without becoming a victim to that scepticism which often succeeds it, especially in minds familiar with the science of physical phenomena. (f1790)
On leaving the anchorage of Cos, the vessel would have to proceed through the channel which lies between the southern shore of the island and that tongue of the mainland which terminates in the Point of Cnidus. If the wind continued in the north-west, the vessel would be able to hold a straight course from Cos to Cape Crio (for such is the modern name of the promontory of Triopium, on which Cnidus was built), and after rounding the point she would run clear before the wind all the way to Rhodes. (f1791) Another of St. Paul’s voyages will lead us to make mention of Cnidus. (See Act. 27:7.) We shall, therefore, only say, that the extremity of the promontory descends with a perpendicular precipice to the sea, and that this high rock is separated by a level space from the main, so that, at a distance, it appears like one of the numerous islands on the coast. (f1792) Its history, as well as its appearance, was well impressed on the mind of the Greek navigator of old; for it was the scene of Conon’s victory; and the memory of their great admiral made the southwestern corner of the Asiatic peninsula to the Athenians what the south-western corner of Spain is to us, through the memories of St. Vincent and Trafalgar.
We have supposed St. Paul’s vessel to have rounded Cape Crio, to have left the western shore of Asia Minor, and to be proceeding along the southern shore. The current between Rhodes and the main runs strongly to the westward; (f1793) but the north-westerly wind (f1794) would soon carry the vessel through the space of fifty miles to the northern extremity of the island, where its famous and beautiful city was built.
Until the building of its metropolis, the name of this island was comparatively unknown. But from the time when the inhabitants of the earlier towns were brought to one center, (f1795) and the new city, built by Hippodamus (the same architect who planned the streets of the Piraeus), rose in the midst of its perfumed gardens and its amphitheatre of hills, with unity so symmetrical that it appeared like one house, (f1796) — Rhodes has held an illustrious place among the islands of the Mediterranean. From the very effect of its situation, lying as it did on the verge of two of the basins of that sea, it became the intermediate point of the eastern and western trade. (f1797) Even now it is the harbor at which most vessels touch on their progress to and from the Archipelago. (f1798) It was the point from which the Greek geographers reckoned their parallels of latitude and meridians of longitude. And we may assert that no place has been so long renowned for ship-building, if we may refer to the "benches, and masts, and ship-boards" of "Dodanim and Chittirn," with the feeble constructions of the modern Turkish dockyard, as the earliest and latest efforts of that Rhodian skill, which was celebrated by Pliny in the time of St. Paul. To the copious supplies of ship-timber were added many other physical advantages. It was a proverb, that the sun shone every day in Rhodes; and her inhabitants revelled in the luxuriance of the vegetation which surrounded them. We find this beauty and this brilliant atmosphere typified in her coins, on one side of which is the head of Apollo radiated like the sun, while the other exhibits the rose-flower, the conventional emblem which bore the name of the island. (f1799) But the interest of what is merely outward fades before the moral interest associated with its history. If we rapidly run over its annals, we find something in every period, with which elevated thoughts are connected. The Greek period is the first, — famous not merely for the great Temple of the Sun, and the Colossus, which, like the statue of Borromeo at Arona, seemed to stand over the city to protect it, (f1800) — but far more for the supremacy of the seas, which was employed to put down piracy, for the code of mercantile law, by which the commerce of later times was regulated, and for the legislative enactments, framed almost in the spirit of Christianity, for the protection of the poor. This is followed by the Roman period, when the faithful ally, which had aided by her naval power in subduing the East, was honored by the Senate and the Emperors with the name and privileges of freedom:(f1801) and this by the Byzantine, during which Christianity was established in the Levant, and the city of the Rhodians, as the metropolis of a province of islands, if no longer holding the empire of the Mediterranean, was at least recognized as the Queen of the AEgean. (f1802) During the earlier portion of the middle ages, while mosques were gradually taking the place of Byzantine churches, Rhodes was the last Christian city to make a stand against the advancing Saracens; and again during their later portion, she re-appears as a city ennobled by the deeds of Christian chivalry; so that, ever since the successful siege of Solyman the Magnificent, her fortifications and her stately harbor, and the houses in her streets, continue to be the memorials of the Knights of St. John. Yet no point of Rhodian history ought to move our spirits with so much exultation as that day, when the vessel that conveyed St. Paul came round the low northern point (f1803) of the island to her moorings before the city. We do not know that he landed like other great conquerors who have visited Rhodes. It would not be necessary even to enter the harbor, for a safe anchorage would be found for the night in the open roadstead. (f1804) "The kingdom of God cometh not with observation;" and the vessel which was seen by the people of the city to weigh anchor in the morning was probably undistinguished from the other coasting craft with which they were daily familiar.
No view in the Levant is more celebrated than that from Rhodes towards the opposite shore of Asia Minor. The last ranges of Mount Taurus (f1805) come down in magnificent forms to the sea; and a long line of snowy summits is seen along the Lycian coast, while the sea between is often an unruffled expanse of water under a blue and brilliant sky. Across this expanse, and towards a harbor near the farther edge of these Lycian mountains, the Apostle’s course was now directed (Act. 21:1). To the eastward of Mount Cragus, — the steep sea-front of which is known to the pilots of the Levant by the name of the "Seven Capes," (f1806) — the river Xanthus winds through a rich and magnificent valley, and past the ruins of an ancient city, the monuments of which, after a long concealment, have lately been made familiar to the British public. (f1807) The harbor of the city of Xanthus was situated a short distance from the left bank of the river. Patara was to Xanthus what the Piraeus was to Athens; (f1808) and though this comparison might seem to convey the idea of an importance which never belonged to the Lycian seaport, yet ruins still remain to show that it was once a place of some magnitude and splendor. The bay into which the river Xanthus flowed is now a "desert of moving sand," which is blown by the westerly wind into ridges along the shore, and is gradually hiding the remains of the ancient city; (f1809) but a triple archway and a vast theatre have been described by travelers. (f1810) Some have even thought that they have discovered the seat of the oracle of Apollo, who was worshipped here, as his sister Diana was worshipped at Ephesus or Porga:(f1811) and the city walls can be traced among the sand-hills with the castle (f1812) that commanded the harbor. In the war against Antiochus, this harbor was protected by a sudden storm from the Roman fleet, when Livius sailed from Rhodes. (f1813) Now we find the Apostle Paul entering it with a fair wind, after a short sail from the same island.
It seems that the vessel in which St. Paul had been hitherto sailing either finished its voyage at Patara, or was proceeding farther eastward along the southern coast of Asia Minor, and not to the ports of Phoenicia. St. Paul could not know in advance whether it would be "possible" for him to arrive in Palestine in time for Pentecost (Act. 20:16); but an opportunity presented itself unexpectedly at Patara. Providential circumstances conspired with his own convictions to forward his journey, notwithstanding the discouragement which the fears of others had thrown across his path. In the harbor of Patara they found a vessel which was on the point of crossing the open sea to Phoenicia (Act. 21:2). They went on board without a moment’s delay; and it seems evident from the mode of expression that they sailed the very day of their arrival. (f1814) Since the voyage lay across the open sea, (f1815) with no shoals or rocks to be dreaded, and since the north-westerly winds often blow steadily for several days in the Levant during spring, (f1816) there could be no reason why the vessel should not weigh anchor in the evening, and sail through the night. (f1817)
We have now to think of St. Paul as no longer passing through narrow channels, or coasting along in the shadow of great mountains, but as sailing continuously through the midnight hours, with a prosperous breeze filling the canvass, and the waves curling and sounding round the bows of the vessel. There is a peculiar freshness and cheerfulness in the prosecution of a prosperous voyage with a fair wind by night. The sailors on the watch, and the passengers also, feel it, and the feeling is often expressed in songs or in long-continued conversation. Such cheerfulness might be felt by the Apostle and his companions, not without thankfulness to that God "who giveth songs in the night" (Job. 35:10), and who hearkeneth to those who fear Him, and speak often to one another, and think upon His name (Mal. 3:16). If we remember, too, that a month had now elapsed since the moon was shining on the snows of Haemus, (f1818) and that the full moonlight would now be resting on the great sail (f1819) of the ship, we are not without an expressive imagery, which we may allowably throw round the Apostle’s progress over the waters between Patara and Tyre.
The distance between these two points is three hundred and forty geographical miles; and if we bear in mind (what has been mentioned more than once) that the north-westerly winds in April often blow like monsoons in the Levant, and that the rig of ancient sailing vessels was peculiarly favorable to a quick run before the wind, (f1820) we come at once to the conclusion that the voyage might easily be accomplished in forty-eight hours. (f1821) Every thing in St. Luke’s account gives a strong impression that the weather was in the highest degree favorable; and there is one picturesque phrase employed by the narrator, which sets vividly before us some of the phenomena of a rapid voyage. (f1822) That which is said in the English version concerning the "discovering" of Cyprus, and "leaving it on the left hand," is, in the original, a nautical expression, implying that the land appeared to rise quickly, (f1823) as they sailed past it to the southward. (f1824) It would be in the course of the second day (probably in the evening) that "the high blue eastern land appeared." The highest mountain of Cyprus is a rounded summit, and there would be snow upon it at that season of the year. (f1825) After the second night, the first land in sight would be the high range of Lebanon (f1826) in Syria (Act. 21:3), and they would easily arrive at Tyre before the evening.
So much has been written concerning the past history and present condition of Tyre, that these subjects are familiar to every reader, and it is unnecessary to dwell upon them here. (f1827) When St. Paul came to this city, it was neither in the glorious state described in the prophecies of Ezekiel and Isaiah, (Ezekiel 26; 27, Isaiah 23.) when "its merchants were princes, and its traffickers the honorable of the earth," nor in the abject desolation in which it now fulfils those prophecies, being "a place to spread nets upon," and showing only the traces of its maritime supremacy in its ruined mole, and a port hardly deep enough for boats. (f1828) It was in the condition in which it had been left by the successors of Alexander, — the island, which once held the city, being joined to the mainland by a causeway, — with a harbor on the north, and another on the south. (f1829) In honor of its ancient greatness, the Romans gave it the name of a free city; (f1830) and it still commanded some commerce, for its manufactures of glass and purple were not yet decayed, (f1831) and the narrow belt of the Phoenician coast between the mountains and the sea required that the food for its population should be partly brought from without. (f1832) It is allowable to conjecture that the ship, which we have just seen crossing from Patara, may have brought grain from the Black Sea, or wine from the Archipelago, (f1833) — with the purpose of taking on from Tyre a cargo of Phoenician manufactures. We know that, whatever were the goods she brought, they were unladed at Tyre (v. 3), and that the vessel was afterwards to proceed (f1834) to Ptolemais (v. 7). For this task of unlading, some days would be required. She would be taken into the inner dock; (f1835) and St. Paul had thus some time at his disposal, which he could spend in the active service of his Master. He and his companions lost no time in "seeking out the disciples." It is probable that the Christians at Tyre were not numerous; (f1836) but a Church had existed there ever since the dispersion consequent upon the death of Stephen (pp. 75, 109), and St. Paul and himself visited it, if not on his mission of charity from Antioch to Jerusalem (p. 118), yet doubtless on his way to the Council (p. 187). There were not only disciples at Tyre, but prophets. Some of those who had the prophetical power foresaw the danger which was hanging over St. Paul, and endeavored to persuade him to desist from his purpose of going to Jerusalem. We see that different views of duty might be taken by those who had the same spiritual knowledge, though that knowledge were supernatural. St. Paul looked on the coming danger from a higher point. What to others was an overwhelming darkness, to him appeared only as a passing storm. And he resolved to face it, in the faith that He who had protected him hitherto would still give him shelter and safety.
The time spent at Tyre in unlading the vessel, and probably taking in a new cargo, and possibly, also, waiting for a fair wind, (f1837) was "seven days," including a Sunday. (f1838) St. Paul "broke bread" with the disciples, and discoursed as he had done at Troas (p. 256); and the week-days, too, would afford many precious opportunities for confirming those who were already Christians, and for making the Gospel known to others, both Jews and Gentiles. When the time came for the ship to sail, a scene was witnessed on the Phoenician shore like that which had made the Apostle’s departure from Miletus so impressive and affecting. (f1839) There attended him through the city gate, (f1840) as he and his companions went out to join the vessel now ready to receive them, all the Christians of Tyre, and even their "wives and children." And there they knelt down and prayed together on the level shore. (f1841) We are not to imagine here any Jewish place of worship, like the proseucha at Philippi; (f1842) but simply that they were on their way to the ship. The last few moments were precious, and could not be so well employed as in praying to Him who alone can give true comfort and protection. The time spent in this prayer was soon passed. And then they tore themselves from each other’s embrace; the strangers went on board, (f1843) and the Tyrian believers returned home sorrowful and anxious, while the ship sailed southwards on her way to Ptolemais.
There is a singular contrast in the history of those three cities on the Phoenician shore, which are mentioned in close succession in the concluding part of the narrative of this Apostolic journey. Tyre, the city from which St. Paul had just sailed, had been the seaport whose destiny formed the burden of the sublimest prophecies in the last days of the Hebrew monarchy. Coesarea, the city to which he was ultimately bound, was the work of the family of Herod, and rose with the rise of Christianity. Both are fallen now into utter decay. Ptolemais, which was the intermediate stage between them, is an older city than either, and has outlived them both. It has never been withdrawn from the field of history; and its interest has seemed to increase (at least in the eyes of Englishmen) with the progress of centuries. Under the ancient name of Acco, it appears in the book of Judges (Jud. 1:31) as one of the towns of the tribe of Assher. It was the pivot of the contests between Persia and Egypt. Not unknown in the Macedonian and Roman periods, it re appears with brilliant distinction in the middle ages, when the Crusaders called it St. Jean d’Acre. It is needless to allude to the events which have fixed on this sea-fortress, more than once, the attention of our own generation. (f1844) At the particular time when the Apostle Paul visited this place, it bore the name of Ptolemais, (f1845) — most probably given to it by Ptolemy Lagi, who was long in possession of this part of Syria, (f1846) — and it had recently been made a Roman colony by the Emperor Claudius. (f1847) It shared with Tyre and Sidon, (f1848) Antioch and Caesarea, the trade of the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea. With a fair wind, a short day’s voyage separates it from Tyre. To speak in the language of our own sailors, there are thirteen miles from Tyre to Cape Blanco, and fifteen from thence to Cape Carmel; and Acre — the ancient Ptolemais — is situated on the farther extremity of that bay, which sweeps with a wide curvature of sand to the northwards, from the headland of Carmel. (f1849) It is evident that St. Paul’s company sailed from Tyre to Ptolemais within the day. (f1850) At the latter city, as at the former, there were Christian disciples, (f1851) who had probably been converted at the same time and under the same circumstances as those of Tyre. Another opportunity was afforded for the salutations and encouragement of brotherly love; but the missionary party staid here only one day. (f1852) Though they had accomplished the voyage in abundant time to reach Jerusalem at Pentecost, they hastened onwards, that they might linger some days at Caesarea. (f1853)
One day’s traveling by land (f1854) was sufficient for this part of their journey. The distance is between thirty and forty miles. (f1855) At Caesarea there was a Christian family, already known to us in the earlier passages of the Acts of the Apostles, with whom they were sure of receiving a welcome. The last time we made mention of Philip the Evangelist (p. 74) was when he was engaged in making the Gospel known on the road which leads southwards by Gaza towards Egypt, about the time when St. Paul himself was converted on the northern road, when traveling to Damascus. Now, after many years, the Apostle and the Evangelist are brought together under one roof. On the former occasion, we saw that Caesarea was the place where the labors of Philip on that journey ended. (f1856) Thenceforward it became his residence if his life was stationary, or it was the center from which he made other missionary circuits through Judaea. (f1857) He is found, at least, residing in this city by the sea, when St. Paul arrives in the year 58 from Achaia and Macedonia. His family consisted of four daughters, who were an example of the fullfillment of that prediction of Joel, quoted by St. Peter, which said, that, at the opening of the new dispensation, God’s Spirit should come on His "handmaidens" as well as His bondsmen, and that the "daughters," as well as the sons, should prophesy. (f1858) The prophetic power was granted to these four women at Caesarea, who seem to have been living that life of single devotedness (f1859) which is commended by St. Paul in his first letter to the Corinthians (1 Corinthians 7.), and to have exercised their gift in concert for the benefit of the Church.
It is not improbable that these inspired women gave St. Paul some intimation of the sorrows which were hanging over him. (f1860) But soon a. more explicit voice declared the very nature of the trial he was to expect. The stay of the Apostle at Caesarea lasted some days (v. 10). He had arrived in Judaea in good time before the festival, and haste was now unnecessary. Thus news reached Jerusalem of his arrival; and a prophet named Agabus — whom we have seen before (p. 117) coming from the same place on a similar errand — went down to Caesarea, and communicated to St. Paul and the company of Christians by whom he was surrounded a clear knowledge of the impending danger. His revelation was made in that dramatic form which impresses the mind with a stronger sense of reality than mere words can do, and which was made familiar to the Jews of old by the practice of the Hebrew prophets. As Isaiah (Isaiah 20.) loosed the sackcloth from his loins, and put off his shoes from his feet, to declare how the Egyptian captives should be led away into Assyria naked and barefoot, — or as the girdle of Jeremiah (Jeremiah 13.), in its strength and its decay, was made a type of the people of Israel in their privilege and their fall, — Agabus, in like manner, using the imagery of action, (f1861) took the girdle of St. Paul, and fastened it round his own (f1862) hands and feet, and said, "Thus saith the Holy Ghost: So shall the Jews at Jerusalem bind the man to whom this girdle belongs, and they shall deliver him into the hands of the Gentiles."
The effect of this emphatic prophecy, both on Luke, Aristarchus, and Trophimus, (f1863) the companions of St. Paul’s journey, and those Christians of Caesarea, (f1864) who, though they had not traveled with him, had learnt to love him, was very great. They wept, (f1865) and implored him not to go to Jerusalem. (f1866) But the Apostle himself could not so interpret the supernatural intimation. He was placed in a position of peculiar trial. A voice of authentic prophecy had been so uttered, that, had he been timid and wavering, it might easily have been construed into a warning to deter him. Nor was that temptation unfelt which arises from the sympathetic grief of loving friends. His affectionate heart was almost broken (f1867) when he heard their earnest supplications and saw the sorrow that was caused by the prospect of his danger; but the mind of the Spirit had been so revealed to him in his own inward convictions, that he could see the Divine counsel through apparent hinderances. His resolution was "no wavering between yea and nay, but was yea in Jesus Christ." (f1868) His deliberate purpose did not falter for a moment. (f1869) He declared that he was "ready not only to be bound, but to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus." And then they desisted from their entreaties. Their respect for the Apostle made them silent. They recognized the will of God in the steady purpose of His servant, and gave their acquiescence in those words in which Christian resignation is best expressed:"The will of the Lord be done."
The time was now come for the completion of the journey. The festival was close at hand. Having made the arrangements that were necessary with regard to their luggage, (f1870) — and such notices in Holy Scripture (f1871) should receive their due attention, for they help to set before us all the reality of the Apostle’s journeys, — he and the companions who had attended him from Macedonia proceeded to the Holy City. Some of the Christians of Caesarea went along with them, not merely, as it would seem, to show their respect and sympathy for the Apostolic company, (f1872) but to secure their comfort on arriving, by taking him to the house of Mnason, a native of Cyprus, who had been long ago converted to Christianity, (f1873) — possibly during the life of our Lord Himself, (f1874) — and who may have been one of those Cyprian Jews who first made the Gospel known to the Greeks at Antioch. Thus we have accompanied St. Paul on his last recorded journey to Jerusalem. It was a journey full of incident; and it is related more minutely than any other portion of his travels. We know all the places by which he passed, or at which he staid; and we are able to connect them all with familiar recollections of history. We know, too, all the aspect of the scenery. He sailed along those coasts of Western Asia, and among those famous islands, the beauty of which is proverbial. The very time of the year is known to us. It was when the advancing season was clothing every low shore, and the edge of every broken cliff, with a beautiful and refreshing verdure; when the winter storms had ceased to be dangerous, and the small vessels could ply safely in shade and sunshine between neighboring ports. Even the state of the weather and the direction of the wind are known. We can point to the places on the map where the vessel anchored for the night, (f1875) and trace across the chart the track that was followed, when the moon was full. (f1876) Yet more than this.
We are made fully aware of the state of the Apostle’s mind, and of the burdened feeling under which this journey was accomplished. The expression of this feeling strikes us the more from its contrast with all the outward circumstances of the voyage. He sailed in the finest season, by the brightest coasts, and in the fairest weather; and yet his mind was occupied with forebodings of evil from first to last; — so that a peculiar shade of sadness is thrown over the whole narration. If this be true, we should expect to find some indications of this pervading sadness in the letters written about this time; for we know how the deeper tones of feeling make themselves known in the correspondence of any man with his friends. Accordingly, we do find in the Epistle written to the Romans, shortly before leaving Corinth, a remarkable indication of discouragement, and almost despondency, when he asked the Christians at Rome to pray that, on his arrival in Jerusalem, he might be delivered from the Jews who hated him, and be well received by those Christians who disregarded his authority. (f1877) The depressing anxiety with which he thus looked forward to the journey would not be diminished, when the very moment of his departure from Corinth was beset by a Jewish plot against his life. (f1878) And we find the cloud of gloom, which thus gathered at the first, increasing and becoming darker as we advance. At Philippi and at Troas, indeed, no direct intimation is given of coming calamities; but it is surely no fancy which sees a foreboding shadow thrown over that midnight meeting, where death so suddenly appeared among those that were assembled there with many lights in the upper chamber, while the Apostle seemed unable to intermit his discourse, as "ready to depart on the morrow." For indeed at Miletus he said, that already "in every city" (f1879) the Spirit had admonished him that bonds and imprisonment were before him. At Miletus it is clear that the heaviness of spirit under which he started had become a confirmed anticipation of evil. When he wrote to Rome, he hoped to be delivered from the danger he had too much reason to fear. Now his fear predominates over hope; (f1880) and he looks forward, sadly but calmly, to some imprisonment not far distant. At Tyre, the first sounds that he hears on landing are the echo of his own thoughts. He is met by the same voice of warning, and the same bitter trial for himself and his friends. At Coesarea his vague forebodings of captivity are finally made decisive and distinct, and he has a last struggle with the remonstrances of those whom he loved. Never had he gone to Jerusalem without a heart full of emotion, — neither in those early years, when he came an enthusiastic boy from Tarsus to the school of Gamaliel, — nor on his return from Damascus, after the greatest change that could have passed over an inquisitor’s mind, — nor when he went with Barnabas from Antioch to the Council, which was to decide an anxious controversy. Now he had much new experience of the insidious progress of error, and of the sinfulness even of the converted. Yet his trust in God did not depend on the faithfulness of man; and he went to Jerusalem calmly and resolutely, though doubtful of his reception among the Christian brethren, and not knowing what would happen on the morrow.
Footnotes
(f1699) The victory in the stadium at Olympia was used in the formula for reckoning Olympiads. The stadium was the Greek unit for the measurement of distance. With St. Paul’s frequent reference to it in the epistles, 1Co. 9:24, Rom. 9:16, Gal. 2:2, 5:7, Php. 2:16, 2Ti. 4:7, 8, should be compared two passages in the Act. 20:24, where he speaks of himself, and 13:25, where he speaks of John the Baptist.
(f1700) "Having heralded." 1Co. 9:27. Plato says that the herald summoned the candidates for the foot-race first into the stadium.
(f1701) "Forgetting the things that are behind, and striving after the things that are before." Php. 3:14. For the Course , see Php. 2:16, and 2Ti. 4:7, besides Act. 20:24, which is particularly noticed below, p. 602, n. 3.
(f1702) See 1Co. 9:24, Php. 3:14. It was a chaplet of green leaves, "a fading crown." 1Co. 9:25. (Cf. 2Ti. 2:5, 4:8; also 1Pe. 5:4.) The leaves varied with the locality where the games were celebrated. At the Isthmus they were those of the indigenous pine. For a time, parsley was substituted for them; but in the Apostle’s day the pine-leaves were used again.
(f1703) Php. 4:1. 1Th. 2:19. This subject illustrates the frequent use of the word "boast" by St. Paul.
(f1704) 1Ti. 4:7, 8. The Gymnasium or training-ground was an important feature of every Greek city. The word is not found in the New Testament, but we find it in 1 Macc. 1:14 and 2 Macc. 4:9, where allusion is made to places of Greek amusement built at Jerusalem.
(f1705) "Except a man strive lawfully." 2Ti. 2:5. The following were among the regulations of the athletic contests. Every candidate was required to be of pure Hellenic descent. He was disqualified by certain moral and political offences. He was obliged to take an oath that he had been ten months in training, and that he would violate none of the regulations. Bribery was punished by a fine. The candidate was obliged to practise again in the gymnasium immediately before the games, under the direction of judges or umpires, who were themselves required to be instructed for ten months in the details of the games.
(f1706) The physician Galen gives an account of this prescribed diet. See Hor. A.P. 414. Tertullian describes the self-restraint of the Athletes.
(f1707) In the larger editions is an energetic passage on this subject from St. Chrysostom, who was very familiar with all that related to public amusements, both at Antioch and Constantinople.
(f1708) It is worth observing, that the only inscription from Tarsus published by Boeckh relates to the restoration of the stadium.
(f1709) Nothing is more remarkable than the number and magnitude of the theatres and stadia in the ruins of the great cities of Asia Minor. A vast number, too, of the inscriptions relate to the public amusements. It is evident, as a traveler remarks, that these amusements must have been one of the chief employments of the population.
(f1710) See above, p. 586, n. 3.
(f1711) See the reference to Herod’s theatre and amphitheatre, p. 2. Hence the significance of such a passage as Heb. 12:1, 2, to the Hebrew Christians of Palestine.
(f1712) Of the four great national festivals, the Olympian and Pythian games took place every fourth year, the Nemean and Isthmian every second; the latter in the third and first year of each Olympiad. The festival was held in the year 53 A.D., which is the first of an Olympiad; and (as we have seen) there is good reason for believing that the Apostle came to Corinth in the autumn of 52, and left it in the spring of 54.
(f1713) This pine [greek word] still retains its ancient name. See Sibthorpe’s Flora Graeca, as referred to by Canon Stanley in his Introd. to 1 Cor.
(f1714) A full account, both of the description which Pausanias gives of the sanctuary and of present appearances, may be seen in Leake. In our account of Corinth (Ch. 11., 12.), we have entered into no inquiry concerning the topography of the scene of the Isthmian games. (See p. 362.) Since St. Paul (as we have seen) makes many allusions to the athletic contests of the Greeks, and since we are now come to the point in his life when he leaves Corinth for the last time, it seems right that we should state what is known on the subject.
No complete topographical delineation of the Isthmus exists. This district was omitted in the French Expedition de la Horde. We have given opposite the plan of the ground near the sanctuary from Colossians Leake’s third volume, which accurately represents the relative positions of the stadium, the theatre, and the temple. But we must add, that, since our last edition was published, the ground has been more exactly examined by the Rev. W. G. Clark, and a careful plan given in his Peloponnesus (1858).
The Posidonium, or Sanctuary of Neptune, is at the narrowest part of the Isthmus, close by Schoenus, the present Kalamaki (see p. 360, n. 7); and modern travelers may visit the ruins on their way between Kalamaki and Lutraki, from one steamboat to the other. St. Paul would also pass by this spot if he went by land from Athens (p. 356, n. 5). The distance from Corinth is about eight miles; and at Hexamili, near Corinth, the road falls into that which leads to Cenchrea. (See p. 584, and Leake, 3:286.) The military wall, which crossed the Isthmus to Lechaeum, abutted on the Sanctuary (p. 358, n. 1), and was for some space identical with the sacred enclosure. At no great distance are the traces of the canal which Nero left unfinished about the time of St. Paul’s death (p. 360); and in many places along the shore, as any traveler may see on his way from Kalamaki to Lutraki, are those green pine-trees, whose leaves wove the "fading garlands" which the Apostle contrast! with the "unfading crown," the prize for which he fought.
(f1715) For Cenchrea, see the note at the end of the preceding chapter. Phoebe was a resident at Cenchrea. When she went to Rome, she probably sailed from Lechasum.
(f1716) See the end of Ch. 15.
(f1717) "The Jews generally settled in great numbers at seaports for the sake of commerce, and their occupation would give them peculiar influence over the captains and owners of merchant-vessels, in which St. Paul must have sailed. They might, however, form the project of seizing him or murdering him at Cenchrea with great probability of success." Comm. on the Acts, by Rev. F. C. Cook, 1850.
(f1718) For the Via Egnatia and the stages between Philippi and Beroea, see pp. 275, 277, 293.
(f1719) Such seems to be the correct reading; and the addition may be made to distinguish him from Sosipater. (Rom. 16:21.)
(f1720) Except in one casual allusion at a later period. Act. 24:17.
(f1721) Some would read "and Timothy of Derbe," in order to identify Gains with the disciple of the same name who is mentioned before along with Aristarchus ("Gains and Aristarchus, Macedonians," Act. 19:29). But it is almost certain that Timothy was a native of Lystra, and not Derbe (see p. 227, n. 1), and Gaius [or Caius, see above, p. 426] was so common a name, that this need cause us no difficulty.
(f1722) It is conceivable, but not at all probable, that these companions sailed direct from Corinth to Troas, while Paul went through Macedonia. Some would limit "these" to Trophimus and Tychicus; but this is quite unnatural. The expression "as far as Asia" seems to imply that St. Paul’s companions left him at Miletus, except St. Luke (who continues the narrative from this point in the first person) and Trophimus (who was with him at Jerusalem, Act. 21:29), and whoever might be the other deputies who accompanied him with the alms. (2Co. 8:19- 21.)
(f1723) It may be well to point out here the general distribution of the time spent on the voyage. Forty-nine days intervened between Passover and Pentecost. The days of unleavened bread [ Mar. 14:12, Luk. 22:7, Act. 12:3, 1Co. 5:8] succeeded the Passover. Thus, St. Paul staid at least seven days at Philippi after the Passover (v. 6), — five days were spent on the passage to Troas (ib.), — six days (for so we may reckon them) were spent at Troas (ib.), — your were occupied on the voyage by Chios to Miletus (vv. 13-15, see below), — two were spent at Miletus, — in three days St. Paul went by Cos and Rhode to Patara (Act. 21:1, see below), — two days would suffice for the voyage to Tyre (vv. 2, 3), — six days were spent at Tyre (v. 4), two were taken up in proceeding by Ptolemais to Caesarea (vv. 7, 8). This calculation gives us thirty-seven days in all; thus leaving thirteen before the festival of Pentecost, after the arrival at Caesarea, which is more than the conditions require. We may add, if necessary, two or three days more during the voyage in the cases where we have reckoned inclusively.
The mention of the Sunday spent at Troas fixes (though not quite absolutely) the day of the week on which the Apostle left Philippi. It was a Tuesday or a Wednesday. We might, with considerable probability, describe what was done each day of the week during the voyage; but we are not sure, in all cases, whether we are to reckon inclusively or exclusively, nor are we absolutely certain of the length of the stay at Miletus.
It will be observed that all we have here said is independent of the particular year in which we suppose the voyage to have been made, and of the day of the week on which the 14th of Nisan occurred. Greswell and Wieseler have made the calculation for the years 56 and 58 respectively, and both have shown that the accomplishment of St. Paul’s wish was practicable. Both too have allowed more time than needful for the voyage between Patara and Tyre.
We may observe here, that many commentators write on the nautical passages of the Acts as if the weather were always the same and the rate of sailing uniform, or as if the Apostle traveled in steamboats. His motions were dependent on the wind. He might be detained in harbor by contrary weather. Nothing is more natural than that he should be five days on one occasion, and two on another, in passing between Philippi and Troas; just as Cicero was once fifteen, and once thirteen, in passing between Athens and Ephesus. So St. Paul might sail in two days from Patara to Tyre, though under less favorable circumstances it might have required four or five, or even more. It is seldom that the same passage is twice made in exactly the same time by any vessel not a steamer.
Another remark may be added, that commentators often write as though St. Paul had chartered his own vessel, and had the full command of her movements. This would be highly unlikely for a person under the circumstances of St. Paul; and we shall see that it was not the case in the present voyage, during which, as at other times, he availed himself of the opportunities offered by merchant-vessels or coasters.
(f1724) The course is marked in our map with a zigzag line. If the wind was contrary, the vessel would have to beat. The delay might equally have been caused by calms.
(f1725) It has been remarked above (p. 270) that St. Luke’s vocation as a physician may have caused him to reside at Philippi and Troas, and made him familiar with these coasts. The autoptical style (see p. 244) is immediately resumed with the change of the pronoun.
(f1726) For the history of the foundation of the city under the successors of Alexander, and of the feelings of Romans towards it, see the concluding part of Ch. 8.
(f1727) Alexandria Troas must have been, like Aberdeen, a city of granite. The hills which supplied this material were to the N. E. and S. B. Dr. Clarke (vol. 2, p. 149) mentions a stupendous column, which is concealed among some trees in the neighborhood, and which he compares to the famous column of the Egyptian Alexandria. Fellows (p. 58) speaks of hundreds of columns, and says that many are bristling among the waves to a considerable distance out at sea. He saw seven columns lying with their chips in a quarry, which is connected by a paved road with the city. Thus granite seems to have been to Alexandria Troas what marble was to Athens. The granite columns of Troas have been used for making cannonballs for the defense of the Dardanelles.
(f1728) Dr. Clarke regards these ruins as the remains of Alexandria Troas. He says that "these three arches of the building make a conspicuous figure from a considerable distance at sea, like the front of a magnificent palace; and this circumstance, connected with the mistake so long prevalent concerning the city itself [viz. that it was the ancient Troy], gave rise to the appellation of ‘The Palace of Priam,’ bestowed by mariners upon these ruins." See p. 242, n. 4.
(f1729) "The first day of the week," v. 7. This is a passage of the utmost importance, as showing that the observance of Sunday was customary. Cf. 1Co. 16:2. See p. 385.
(f1730) "About to depart on the morrow," ib. See v. 13. By putting all these circumstances together, we can almost certainly infer the day of the week on which St. Paul left Troas. See above.
(f1731) The word used here denotes an aperture closed by a wooden door, doubtless open in this case because of the heat. See the note and woodcut in the Pictorial Bible. These upper rooms of the ancients were usually connected with the street by outside stairs, such as those of which we see traces at Pompeii.
(f1732) See above, p. 590.
(f1733) V. 8. Various reasons have been suggested why this circumstance should be mentioned. Meyer thinks it is given as the reason why the fate of the young man was perceived at once. But it has much more the appearance of having simply "proceeded from an eye-witness, who mentions the incident, not for the purpose of obviating a difficulty which might occur to the reader, but because the entire scene to which he refers stood now with such minuteness and vividness before his mind." Hackett on the Acts, Boston, U. S., 1852. [See a similar instance in the case of the mention of the proseucha at Philippi, Act. 16:13.]
(f1734) "He continued his discourse till midnight," v. 7. "While Paul was long discoursing," v. 9.
(f1735) The present participle in v. 9 seems to denote the gradual sinking into sleep, as opposed to the sudden fall implied by the aorist participle in the next phrase.
(f1736) It is quite arbitrary to qualify the words by supposing that he was only apparently dead.
(f1737) This is implied in the "Trouble not yourselves" below. The word denotes a loud and violent expression of grief, as in Mat. 9:23, Mar. 5:39.
(f1738) 2Ki. 4:34. In each case, as Prof. Hackett remarks, the act appears to have been the sign of a miracle.
(f1739) V. 11, compared with v. 7.
(f1740) See p. 385.
(f1741)When he had eaten, v. 11. This is distinguished in the Greek from the breaking bread.
(f1742)Having talked a long while. This, again, is distinguished from the preaching mentioned above.
(f1743) "We might illustrate what took place at this meeting by the sailing of the Bishop of Calcutta from Plymouth in 1829. "He and his chaplain made impressive and profitable addresses to us, the first part of the meeting, as they had received orders to embark the same morning. I began then to speak, and in the middle of my speech the captain of the frigate sent for them, and they left the meeting." — Memoir of Rev. E. Bickersteth, vol. 1, p. 445.
(f1744) See p. 240. The impression derived from modern travelers through this neglected region is, that the distance between Assos and Troas is rather greater. Sir C. Fellows reckons it at 30 miles, and he was in the saddle from half-past eight to five. Dr. Hunt, in Walpole’s Memoirs, was part of two days on the road, leaving Assos in the afternoon; but he deviated to see the hot springs and salt works. Mr. Weston (MS. journal) left Assos at three in the afternoon, and reached Troas at ten the next morning; but he adds, that it was almost impossible to find the road without a guide.
In a paper on "Recent Works on Asia Minor," in the Bibliotheca Sacra for October, 1851, it is said that Assos is nine miles from Troas. This must be an oversight. It is, however, quite possible that Mitylene might have been reached, as we have assumed below on the Sunday evening. If the vessel sailed from Troas at seven in the morning, she would easily be round Cape Lectum before noon. If St. Paul left Troas at ten, he might arrive at Assos at four in the afternoon; and the vessel might be at anchor in the roads of Mitylene at seven. Greswell supposes that they sailed from Assos on the Monday. This would derange the days of the week as we have given them below, but would not affect the general conclusion.
(f1745) Mentioned by Fellows and Hunt.
(f1746) All travelers make mention of the woods of Vallonea oaks in the neighborhood of Troas. The acorns are used for dyeing, and form an important branch of trade. The collecting of the acorns, and shells, and gall-nuts, employs the people during a great part of the year. One traveler mentions an English vessel which he saw taking in a load of these acorns.
(f1747) The woods were in full foliage on the 18th of March. Hunt.
(f1748) For the streams of this mountain, see p 240, n. 5.
(f1749) See note on the preceding page.
(f1750) This Street of Tombs (Via Sacra) is one of the most remarkable features of Assos. It is described by Fellows in his excellent account of Assos. The Street of Tombs extends to a great distance across the level ground to N.W. of the city. Some of the tombs are of vast dimensions, and formed each of one block of granite. These remains are the more worthy of notice because the word sarcophagus was first applied in Roman times to this stone of Assos (lapis Assius), from the peculiar power it was supposed to possess of aiding the natural decay of corpses.
(f1751) The view opposite is from a drawing by the Rev. G. F. Weston, who visited Assos in 1845. In his MS. journal he speaks of it as follows:"Proceeding 300 or 400 yards [from the theatre] in a N. W. direction, you come to the great gate of the city, a very interesting specimen of Greek architecture. An arch is formed by one stone overlapping that beneath it. There are remains also of two flanking towers with splayed loopholes, and the wall running up to the precipices of the Acropolis is almost perfect. Higher up, towards the Acropolis, are two more curious arches. Running N.W. from the great gate is the Via Sacra." See the preceding note.
(f1752) The travelers above mentioned speak in strong terms of the view from the Acropolis towards Lesbos and the sea. Towards Ida and the land side the eye ranges over the windings of a river through a fruitful plain.
Fellows conceives that the remains here mentioned have been preserved from the depredations committed on other towns near the coast, in consequence of the material being the "same gray stone as the neighboring rock, sad not having intrinsic value as marble."
He observed "no trace of the Romans." Leake says that the "hard granite of Mount Ida" has furnished the materials for many of the buildings, and even the sculptures; and he adds that "the whole gives perhaps the most perfect idea of a Greek city that anywhere exists."
(f1753) For a sketch of the history of Mitylene, and for remarks on the orthography of the word, see Smith’s Dict. of Geography. In our larger editions is a view of the town with the mountains behind.
(f1754) "The chief town of Mitylene is on the S. E. coast, and on a peninsula (once an island) forming two small harbors: of these the northern one is sheltered by a pier to the north, and admits small coasters… The roadstead, which is about seven miles N. from the S. E. end of the island, is a good summer roadstead, but the contrary in winter, being much exposed to the S.E. and N.E. winds, which blow with great violence." — Purdy’s Sailing Directory, p. 154. It should be particularly observed that St. Paul’s ship would be sheltered here from the N. W. We shall see, as we proceed, increasing reason for believing that the wind blew from this quarter.
(f1755) The moon would be about six days old (see above), and would set soon after midnight. We are indebted for this suggestion to Mr. Smith (author of the Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul), and we take this opportunity of acknowledging our obligations to his MS. notes in various parts of this chapter.
(f1756) Dr. Clarke’s Travels, vol. 2, p. 188. See the whole description. This applies to a period some years before the massacre of 1822. For notices of Scio, and a description of the scenery in its nautical aspect, see the Sailing Directory, pp. 124-128.
(f1757) It must be remembered that the vegetation, and with the vegetation the scenery, of the shores of the Mediterranean, have varied with the progress of civilization. It seems that the Arabians introduced the orange in She early part of the middle ages. Other changes are subsequent to the discovery of America. See p. 20, n. 1. The wines of Chios were always celebrated. Its coins display an amphora and a bunch of grapes.
(f1758) The proverb says that it is easier to find a green horse than a sober-minded Sciot.
(f1759) See the view which Dr. Clarke gives of this remarkable "marine pass," vol. 2, p. 192 The summit of Samos was concealed by a thick covering of clouds, and he was told that its heights were rarely unveiled. See again vol 3, pp. 364-367. Compare Norie’s Sailing Directory, p. 150. "Samos, being mountainous, becomes visible twenty leagues off; and the summit of Mount Kerki retains its snow throughout the year." The strait through which Dr. Clarke sailed is called the Great Boghaz, and is ten miles broad. The island to the west is Icaria.
(f1760) This strait is the Little Boghaz, which is reckoned at about a mile in breadth both by Strabo and Chandler. We shall return presently to this ridge of Mycale in its relation to the interior, when we refer to the journey of the Ephesian elders to Miletus. It was evidently a place well known to sailors, from Strabo’s reckoning the distance from hence to Sunium in Attica.
(f1761) We should observe here again that Trogyllium, though on the shore of the mainland, is protected by Samos from the north-westerly winds. With another wind it might have been better to have anchored in a port to the N.E. of Samos, now called Port Vathy, which is said, in the Sailing Directory (p. 119), to be "protected from every wind but the N.W." We may refer here to the clear description and map of Samos by Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, I. pp. 156, 157. But the Admiralty Charts (1530 and 1555) should be consulted for the soundings, &c. An anchorage will be seen just to the east of the extreme point of Trogyllium, bearing the name of "St. Paul’s Port."
(f1762) See what is said of the Cayster, pp. 410, 461.
(f1763) See again, on these Ephesian mountains, p. 462.
(f1764) Trogyllium, as we have seen, is at the point where the coast projects and forms a narrow strait between Asia Minor and Samos. The coast recedes northwards towards Ephesus, and southwards towards Miletus; each of these places being about equidistant from Trogyllium. Up to this point from Chios, St. Paul had been nearly following the line of the Ephesian merchant-vessels up what is now called the gulf of Scala Nuova. By comparing the Admiralty Chart with Strabo and Chandler, a very good notion is obtained of the coast and country between Ephesus and Miletus.
(f1765) It is surely quite a mistake to suppose, with some commentators, that St. Paul had the command of the movements of the vessel. His influence with the captain and the seamen might induce them to do all in their power to oblige him; and perhaps we may trace some such feeling in the arrangements at Assos, just as afterwards at Siden (Act. 27:3), when on his voyage to Rome. But he must necessarily have been content to take advantage of such opportunities as were consistent with the business on which the vessel sailed. She evidently put in for business to Troas, Miletus, and Patara. At the other places she seems to have touched merely for convenience, in consequence of the state of the weather or the darkness.
(f1766) Pliny says that Magnesia is fifteen miles from Ephesus, and Magnesia was about equidistant from Ephesus, Tralles, and Miletus. For further notices of the roads, we must refer to our larger editions.
(f1767) The distance is about seventeen nautical miles and a half. If the vessel sailed at six in the morning from Trogyllium, she would easily be in harbor at nine.
(f1768) See above, p. 410. Compare p. 462. Thus the imperial coins of Miletus are rare, and the autonomous coins begin very early.
(f1769) Herod. v. 80, 6:18.
(f1770) Arrian, Anab. 1:19, 20.
(f1771) This is the comparison of Sir C. Fellows. The Maeander was proverbial among the ancients, both for the sinuosities of its course, and the great quantity of alluvial soil brought down by the stream. Pliny tells us that islands near Miletus had been joined to the continent, and Strabo relates that Priene, once a seaport, was in his time forty stadia from the sea. Fellows says that Miletus was once a headland in a bay, which is now a "dead flat" ten miles in breadth. Chandler (p. 202), on looking down from Priene on the "bare and marshy plain," says, "How different its aspect when the mountains were boundaries of a gulf, and Miletus, Myus, and Priene, maritime cities!" — And again (p. 207), he looks forward to the time when Samos and other islands will unite with the shore, and the present promontories will be seen inland. See Kiepert’s Hellas, for a representation of the coast as it was in the early Greek times; and for a true delineation of its present state, see the Admiralty Chart, No. 1555.
(f1772) For Smyrna, see again pp. 410, 462.
(f1773) Strabo says that Miletus had four harbors, one of which was for vessels of war. No trace of them is to be seen now.
(f1774) For a notion of the scenery of this journey of the presbyters over or round the ridge of Mycale, and by the windings of the Maeander, the reader may consult Chandler and Fellows. The latter describes the extensive view in each direction from the summit of the range. The former was traveling, like these presbyters, in April; and "the weather was unsettled; the sky was blue and the sun shone, but a wet wintry north wind swept the clouds along the top of the range of Mycale."
(f1775) We may remark here, in answer to those who think that the ej>piskopoi mentioned in this passage were the bishops of various places in the province of Asia, that there was evidently no time to summon them. On the convertibility of ejpiskopov and presbuterov, see below.
(f1776) In our larger editions is a view of Miletus from Laborde. The two conspicuous features are the great theatre and the windings of the Maeander towards the sea.
(f1777) The Greek verb (V. 37) is in the imperfect.
(f1778) "Gaze on his face," v. 38. The expression is stronger than that used by St. Paul himself, v. 25.
(f1779) See below.
(f1780) Prof. Hackett notices how the phrase, they accompanied him to the ship, suits the place, which had then a long level between the town and the anchorage.
(f1781) The English translation of Act. 21:1, "gotten from them," is too weak.
(f1782) They ran before the wind , Act. 21:1. See what has been said before on this nautical phrase, p. 246.
(f1783) For what relates to this prevalent wind, see below.
(f1784) Dr. Clarke describes a magnificent evening, with the sun setting behind Patmos, which he saw on the voyage from Samoa to Cos.
(f1785) This is to be distinguished from the channel mentioned below, between the southern side of Cos and Cape Crio.
(f1786) "No place in the Archipelago is more frequented by merchant-vessels than this port." Purdy, p. 115.
(f1787) See the description of the town and anchorage in Purdy:— "The town is sheltered from westerly winds by very high mountains," p. 114. "The road is good in all winds except the E. N. E.," p. 115. A view of the modern city of Cos from the anchorage, as well as the present soundings, and the traces of the ancient port, is given in the Admiralty Chart No. 1550.
(f1788) Tac. Ann. 12:61.
(f1789) See p. 271, n. 1. Perhaps the fullest account of Cos is that given by Dr. Clarke, vol. 2, pp. 196-213, and again after his return from Egypt, vol. 3, pp. 321-329. He describes the celebrated plane-tree, and from this island he brought the altar which is now in the Public Library at Cambridge. We may refer also to a paper on Cos by Colossians Leake in the second volume of the Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature. See Smith’s Dict. of Geog.
(f1790) If we attached any importance to the tradition which represents St. Luke as a painter, we might add that Cos was the birthplace of Apelles as well as of Hippocrates.
(f1791) We shall return again to the subject of the north-westerly winds which prevail during the fine season in the Archipelago, and especially in the neighborhood of Rhodes. For the present the following authorities may suffice. Speaking of Rhodes, Dr. Clarke says (vol. 2, p. 223), "The winds are liable to little variation; they are N. or N.W. during almost every month, but these winds blow with great violence:" and again, p. 230, "A N. wind has prevailed from the time of our leaving the Dardanelles." Again (vol. 3, p. 378), in the same seas he speaks of a gale from the N. W.:— "It is surprising for what a length of time, and how often, the N. W. rages in the Archipelago. It prevails almost unceasingly through the greater part of the year," 380. And in a note he adds, "Mr. Spencer Smith,. brother of Sir Sidney Smith, informed the author that he was an entire month employed in endeavoring to effect a passage from Rhodes to Stanchio [Cos]:the N. W. wind prevailed all the time with such force that the vessel in which he sailed could not double Cape Crio." We find the following in Norie’s Sailing Directory, p. 127:— "The Etesian winds, which blow from the N.E. and N. W. quarters, are the monsoons of the Levant, which blow constantly during the summer, and give to the climate of Greece so advantageous a temperature. At this season the greatest part of the Mediterranean, but particularly the eastern half, including the Adriatic and Archipelago, are subject to N.W. winds… When the sun, on advancing from the north, has begun to rarefy the atmophere of southern Europe, the Etesians of spring commence in the Mediterranean Sea. These blow in Italy during March and April." In Purdy’s Sailing Directory, p. 122, it is said of the neighborhood of Smyrna and Ephesus:"The northerly winds hereabout continue all the summer, and sometimes blow with unremitting violence for several weeks." See again what Admiral Beau-fort says of the N.W. wind at Patara.
(f1792) In the Admiralty Chart of the gulf of Cos, &c. (No. 1604), a very good view of Cape Crio is given. We shall speak of Cnidus more fully hereafter. Meantime we may refer to a view in Laborde, which gives an admirable representation of the passage between Cos and Cape Crio.
(f1793) Purdy.
(f1794) See above.
(f1795) Herodotus simply mentions Rhodes as forming part of the Dorian confederacy with Cos and Cnidus. It was about the time of the Peloponnesian war that the three earlier cities of Lindus, Ialysus, and Camirns were centralized in the new city of Rhodes. "We find the Rhodian navy rising in strength and consequence towards the time of Demosthenes;" and, after this period, it "makes nearly as great a figure in history as Venice does in the annals of Modern Europe."
(f1796) This is the phrase of Diodorus Siculus.
(f1797) An interesting illustration of the trade of Rhodes will be found in vol. 3, of the Trans of the Royal Society of Literature, in a paper on some inscribed handles of wine-vessels found at Alexandria. "We shall refer to this paper again when we come to speak of Cnidus.
(f1798) "Vessels bound to the ports of Karamania as well as to those of Syria and Egypt generally touch here for pilots or for intelligence." Beaufort. "The southern harbor is generally full of merchant-vessels." Purdy, p. 232. "The chief source of what little opulence it still enjoys is in the number of vessels which touch here on their passage from the Archipelago to the eastward." Ib.
(f1799) One of these coins is given in the larger editions.
(f1800) The Colossus was in ruins even in Strabo’s time. It had been overthrown by an earthquake according to Polybius. It seems to be a popular mistake that this immense statue stood across the entrance of one of the harbors. The only parallel in modern times is the statue of San Carlo Borromeo, which has been alluded to before in reference to Athens, p. 326; and in height they were nearly identical, the latter being 106 feet, the former 105 (70 cubits). See the paper referred to, p. 606, n. 7.
(f1801) After the defeat of Antiochus, Rhodes received from the Roman senate some valuable possessions on the mainland, including part of Caria and the whole of Lycia. See what has been said on the province of Asia, pp. 206, 207, comparing p. 209. These continental possessions were afterwards withdrawn; but the Rhodians were still regarded as among the allies of Rome. They rendered valuable aid in the war against Mithridates, and were not reduced to the form of a province till the reign of Vespasian.
(f1802) It was then the metropolis of the "Province of the Islands."
(f1803) Compare Purdy’s Sailing Directory with the Admiralty Chart (No. 1639), attached to which is an excellent view of Rhodes.
(f1804) See Purdy, p. 231.
(f1805) Compare p. 19. For the appearance of this magnificent coast on a nearer approach, see Dr. Clarke. For a description of these south-western mountains of Asia Minor, the Travels of Spratt and Forbes may be consulted.
(f1806) "These capes (called in Italian, the usual language of the pilots, sette capi) are the extremities of high and rugged mountains, occupying a space of ten miles." Purdy, p. 236.
(f1807) The allusion is of course to the Xanthian room in the British Museum.
(f1808) Thus Appian speaks of Patara as the port of Xanthus, B.C. 4:81. In the following chapter he says that Andriace had the same relation to Myra. (Act. 27:5.)
(f1809) Admiral Beaufort was the first to describe Patara. Karamania, chap. 1, It was also visited by the Dilettanti Society. It is described by Sir C. Fellows both in his Lycia and his Asia Minor. In the Travels of Spratt and Forbes the destruction of the harbor and the great increase of sand are attributed to the rising of the coast. The following passage is transcribed at length from this work:— "A day was devoted to an excursion to Patara, which lies on the coast at some distance from the left bank of the river, about ten miles from Xanthus. We rode along the river-side to the sand-hills, passing large straw-thatched villages of gypsies on the way, and then crossed the sand-hills to the sea-side… At Patara is the triple arch, which formed the gate of the city, the baths, and the theatre, admirably described long ago by Captain Beaufort. The latter is scooped out of the side of a hill, and is remarkable for the completeness of the proscenium and the steepness and narrowness of the marble seats. Above it is the singular pit excavated on the summit of the same hill, with its central square column, conjectured with probability, by Admiral Beaufort, to have been the seat of the oracle of Apollo Patareus. The stones of which the column is built are displaced from each other in a singular manner, as if by the revolving motion of an earthquake. A fine group of palm-trees rises among the ruins, and the aspect of the city when it was flourishing must have been very beautiful. Now its port is an inland marsh, generating poisonous malaria; and the mariner sailing along the coast would never guess that the sand-hills before him blocked up the harbor into which St. Paul sailed of old."
(f1810) A drawing of the gateway is given by Beaufort, p. 1. Views of the theatre, &c., of Patara will be found in the first volume of the Ionian Antiquities, published by the Dilettanti Society.
(f1811) See pp. 143, 144, and p. 464, &c. The coins of Patara show the ascendency of Apollo in the district. One is given in the larger editions.
(f1812) Beaufort, p. 3.
(f1813) The Roman fleet had followed nearly the same course as the Apostle from the neighborhood of Ephesus, the following places being mentioned in order, — Miletus, Cnidus, Cos, Rhodes, Patara. Liv. 37:16. We may add another illustration from Roman history, in Pompey’s voyage, where the same places are mentioned in a similar order. After describing his departure from Mitylene, and his passing by Asia and Chios, Lucan proceeds to enumerate Ephesus, Cos, Cnidus, and Rhodes. Phars. 8.
(f1814) This is shown not only by the expression "we went aboard," but by the omission of any phrase for "next day," such as we find in Act. 20:15.
(f1815) It is said that the ship was on the point of sailing over or "crossing" to Phoenicia.
(f1816) See above, p. 605
(f1817)For this and other points connected with the navigation of the ancients, we must refer to Ch. 23.
(f1818) See above, p. 590.
(f1819) See Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 151.
(f1820) Smith, p. 180.
(f1821) i.e. the rate would be rather more than seven knots an hour. The writer once asked the captain of a vessel engaged in the Mediterranean trade, how long it would take to sail with a fair wind from the Seven Capes to Tyre; and the answer was, "About thirty hours, or perhaps it would be safer to say forty-eight." Now, vessels rigged like those of the ancients, with one large mainsail, would run before the wind more quickly than our own merchantmen. Those who have sailed before the monsoons in the China seas have seen junks (which are rigged in this respect like Greek and Roman merchantmen) behind them in the horizon in the morning, and before them in the horizon in the evening.
(f1822) The word, in reference to sea-voyages, means "to see lane, to bring land into view," by a similar figure of speech to that in which our sailors speak on "making land." So "aperire" is used in latin, and "open" by our own sailors. The grammatical construction in the Greek is peculiar; but confusions of grammar are common in the language of sailors. Thus an English seaman speaks of "rising the land," which is exactly what is meant here.
(f1823) Mr. Smith says in a MS. note:"The term indicates both the rapid approach to land, and that it was seen at a distance by daylight."
(f1824) We shall hereafter point out the contrast between this voyage and that which is mentioned afterwards in Act. 27:4.
(f1825) The island is traversed by two chains running nearly east and west, and they are covered with snow in winter. Norie, p. 144. The writer has been informed by Captain Graves, R. N., that the highest part is of a rounded form.
(f1826) Compare pp. 19, 49.
(f1827) One of the fullest accounts of Tyre will be found in Dr. Robinson’s third volume.
(f1828)Sailing Directory, p. 259.
(f1829)Old Tyre was destroyed. New Tyre was built on a small island, separated by a very narrow channel from the mainland, with which it was united by a dam in Alexander’s siege; and thenceforward Tyre was on a peninsula.
(f1830) For the general notion of a free city (libera civitas) under the Empire, see p. 288. Tyre seems to have been honored, like Athens, for the sake of the past.
(f1831) For the manufactures of Tyre at a much later period, see p. 188, n. 2.
(f1832) The dependence of Phoenicia on other countries for grain is alluded to in Act. 12:20. (See p. 118, n. 8.)
(f1833) For the wine trade of the Archipelago, see what has been said in reference to Rhodes. We need not suppose that the vessel bound for Phoenicia sailed in the first instance from Patara. St. Paul afterwards found a west-wardbound Alexandrian ship in one of the harbors of Lycia. Act. 27:5, 6.
(f1834) We infer that St. Paul proceeded in the same vessel to Ptolemais, partly because the phrase in v. 6 means "we went on board the ship," and partly because it is not said that the vessel was bound for Tyre, but simply that she was to unlade there.
(f1835) Scylax mentions a harbor within the walls.
(f1836) "Having sought out the disciples" is the literal translation. Some search was required before the Christians were found Perhaps the first inquiries would be made at the synagogue. [See p. 388, n. 5.] For a notice of the Jews at Tyre in later times, we may again refer to p. 188, n. 2.
(f1837) These suppositions, however, are not necessary; for the work of taking the cargo from the hold of a merchant-vessel might easily occupy six or seven days.
(f1838) This, however, need not mean more than "six days." Some think that by "accomplishing the days" is meant that they "employed the time in making ready for the journey," comparing 2Ti. 3:17. [See on v. 15.]
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